Be INFORMED

Tuesday, June 05, 2007

Iraq’s Mercenaries - With A Licence To Kill

One day, not so far off, the chickens may come home to roost. If you remain a compliant, docile citizenry, nothing will happen to you. But if you try to object to your destitution and deplorable living conditions under the new American dictatorship, your own mercenaries will deal with you. What a day to watch. An ignorant citizenry does not deserve democracy. They will surely but slowly earn the price of their carelessness and inaction, and they deserve it.  (Saila, commenting on the Bush private armies from a story at Common Dreams, which follows.)

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Published on Monday, June 4, 2007 by The Independent/UK

Iraq’s Mercenaries - With A Licence To Kill
‘These private contractors can get away with murder… They aren’t subject to any laws at all’

by Johann Hari

Iraq is rapidly vanishing into the mists of uncollectable, unknowable news, with information travelling only as far as an Iraqi scream can be heard. But sometimes, if you peer closely, you can glimpse reality. Last week, Shia militiamen seized four “security contractors” working for the Canadian company Gardaworld. Buried in the story of this small horror is the bigger tale of a vast shift in how Western wars will be fought in the 21st century if the American right has its way - and one of the great lost scandals of this war.

These men are not “security contractors”, nor are they “civilian operatives”, nor “reconstruction workers”. There are now more of them in Iraq than there are professional soldiers: Britain alone has 21,000 in the country, raking in $1.6bn a year.

As he scurried out the door in 2004, Paul Bremer - the first US viceroy to Iraq - issued Order 17, which exempted all mercenaries operating in the country from having to obey the law. He in effect gave these men a licence to kill - and they are using it, every day.

Yas Ali Mohammed Yassiri was a peaceful 19-year-old Iraqi trying to get on with an ordinary life in a deeply unordinary Baghdad when he boarded a taxi on his street in the Masbah neighbourhood. The mercenaries guarding the US embassy spokesman in Baghdad drove around the corner, so Ali’s taxi slowed down - but the convoy opened fire anyway, to clear their path. Ali was hit in the throat and died immediately. Although the US embassy now admits the convoy “opened fire prematurely”, the mercenaries were merely sent home; they are free, happy men.

This is not a one-off freak. It is virtually an everyday occurrence. Colonel Thomas Hammed, who was placed in charge of rebuilding the Iraqi military by Bush, explains, “They [the mercenaries] made enemies everywhere. I would ride around with Iraqis in beat-up Iraqi trucks, they were running me off the road. We were threatened and intimidated.”

In April 2004, mercenaries working for a private militia named Blackwater were guarding US occupation headquarters in Najaf when a protest by Shia Iraqi civilians began to stir outside. According to the Washington Post and eyewitnesses, Blackwater opened fire on the protesters, unleashing so many rounds so rapidly they had to pause every 15 minutes to allow their gun barrels to cool down. A video of this attack made it on to the Web, where a mercenary can be seen describing the Iraqis they are gunning down as “fuckin’ niggers”.

The distinguished reporter Jeremy Scahill claims in his new book, Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army, that mercenary troops in Iraq are even using “experimental ammunition” that US forces are forbidden from firing. These bullets, made of “blended metal”, are designed to shatter on impact, creating “untreatable wounds”. One mercenary recently bragged about the ammo’s impact when he shot an Iraqi with it: “It entered his butt and completely destroyed everything in the lower-left section of his stomach… everything was torn apart.”

Last year, Representative Dennis Kucinich asked Pentagon officials at a Senate hearing if the US Department of Defence would prosecute a private contractor who murdered Iraqi civilians. After being told repeatedly, “Sir, I can’t answer that question,” Kucinich said: “Wow. Think about what that means. These private contractors can get away with murder… They aren’t subject to any laws at all.”

How did this happen? How did Iraq become flooded with private militia making a killing? The story begins back in the early 1990s, when Dick Cheney was secretary of state for defence. He believed Pentagon “bureaucracy” was mere Big Government and had to be smashed into a thousand corporate pieces to be made “efficient”. Cheney’s proposals continued at a slow pace during the presidency of Bill Clinton, who brought mercenaries into the Balkans - then went into over-drive when he was Vice President.

The US right has a slew of reasons to privatise the US military so rapidly. The most obvious is simple corruption. It funnels money to companies in which they have a huge stake, and who in turn donate a fortune to the Republican Party. This is justified in public by a market fundamentalist conviction that governments can never run anything properly, so their functions must always be sold off.

But this is a secondary motive. The main limit on an aggressive US foreign policy today is the limited number of US citizens who are prepared to kill and die for it. Mercenaries solve the problem: just buy troops in. The public is far less likely to protest against a war if the victims are hardened Colombians in it for the cash, rather than their cousin from Wisconsin who signed up out of patriotism. In mercenary wars, all citizens are asked to give is money, not blood. The Cheney model of mercenary warfare being tried out in Iraq is, in fact, a way of making possible his vision of a 21st century in which wars for resources will be “necessary” on a “regular basis”.

We have been here before. In his Discourses, Niccolo Machiavelli describes how, in its dying days, the Roman Empire was no longer able to inspire a large citizen-militia, and increasingly bought armies of willing foreigners. The result was dissolution, decadence and imperial collapse. What would the world look like if Cheney’s vision of privatised armies prevailed in this century? There would be far more wars, far less checked by the rules of war built up after the nightmare of the 1940s: in other words, more Iraqs.

History also points towards a longer-term danger. Where governments depend on private armies, they become increasingly their servants, physically incapable of standing up to them. In the 14th century, corporations determined the fate of the Hundred Years War, and in lulls in the fighting would burn down towns that refused to pay for their protection. The French sovereign was powerless to stop them, because his own forces were too feeble.

Little more than a century ago, the East India Company ignored the explicit orders of the British government and attacked Portuguese garrisons in India, solely to boost its own profit margins. The Empire relied on private militias, until they slipped off the leash. Phillip Bobbit, a former advisor to presidents Nixon and Reagan, warns in his book The Shield of Achilles that as we dissolve back into private armies, we are setting ourselves up for a repeat of this corporate dominance over government.

Dick Cheney effectively believes in rule by corporations, rather than rule by the state, so for him, this is a comforting vision. For the rest of us, the seizure of British mercenaries in Baghdad provides us with a glimpse of a future where we are stumbling unwittingly on to corporate battlefield with no end. The Iraqis are living - and dying - in this dystopia today.

j.hari@ independent.co.uk

© 2007 The Independent

 

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Democratic Congress Takes Drop In Polls

   A new ABC News poll shows that the Democratic Congress is going down in the ratings of the American public and that drop has mostly to do with the Democrats not getting anything done about Iraq.

   Six weeks ago the Democrats held a 24-point lead over Bush as the stronger leadership force in Washington; today that's collapsed to a dead heat. The Democrats' overall job approval rating likewise has dropped, from a 54 percent majority to 44 percent now -- with the decline occurring almost exclusively among strong opponents of the Iraq War.

Yet the Democrats' losses have not produced much in the way of gains for Bush or his party. The president's approval rating remains a weak 35 percent, unchanged from mid-April at two points from his career low in ABC News/Washington Post polls. The Republicans in Congress do about as badly, with just 36 percent approval.

Another figure underscores the public's broad grumpiness: Seventy-three percent now say the country's off on the wrong track, the most in just over a decade

  Grumpiness? I think that it is a little bit more than being grumpy since we have a president who is an asshole and ignorant along with the rest of the Republican base. We have a Democrat controlled Congress who won't do the right thing by our troops in Iraq by just flat-out cutting the war funding and to top it off, these jerks are spouting the Republican crap about our troops having the equipment they need so we'll just let Bush spend another $120 billion of the anti-war taxpayers money.

   We are not grumpy, we are hostile!

The shift away from the Democrats in Congress has occurred on two levels. In terms of their overall approval rating, the damage is almost entirely among people who strongly oppose the war in Iraq. In this group 69 percent approved of the Democrats in April, but just 54 percent still approve now -- a likely effect of the Democrats' failure to push a withdrawal timetable through Congress.

Their decline in leadership ratings vs. Bush is more broadly based -- that's occurred among war opponents and supporters alike, apparently reflecting more an assessment of their performance than an expression of support or opposition.

  Here's a little more info about feelings on the escalation.

 

More than anything, these views are fueled by the continued grind of the war in Iraq. Few think the Bush "surge" is working -- 64 percent see no significant progress restoring civil order there -- and, looking ahead, 58 percent predict it will not succeed.

Sixty-one percent say the war was not worth fighting (down a scant five points from April's record high) and majorities reject many of Bush's arguments in support of the war -- that it's a critical component of the war on terrorism, that it has improved long-term U.S. security and that withdrawing poses more danger than remaining.

Perhaps most challenging is the president's credibility gap: Sixty percent of Americans feel they can't trust the Bush administration to honestly and accurately report intelligence about security threats facing the United States. That makes any of Bush's arguments a hard sell.

Indeed, the public still trusts the Democrats in Congress over Bush to handle the situation in Iraq, by 51 percent to 35 percent. But the Democrats' number has slipped from 58 percent in April and a high of 60 percent in January.

The toll of this discontent is unmistakable. Bush has not seen majority approval in any ABC/Post poll since January 2005; in presidential polling back to the late 1930s, only President Truman stayed so low for a longer period of time. And Americans are nearly three times as likely to "strongly" disapprove of Bush's job performance (46 percent) as to strongly approve (17 percent).

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